The British historian Arnold Toynbee grants us the insight that the Roman empire did not pass into oblivion after its fall, as is customarily believed. Although Rome was plundered in 41O, and fell, in 476, and the Pax Romana came to an end, Rome transmogrified itself and continued in the institutions of the Vatican and the College of Cardinals, in the Byzantine Empire, in the Frankish kingdom of Charlemagne, which became the "Holy Roman Empire," and in the "Serenissima," the Republic of Venice. Roman law, customs, architecture, and indeed even the lineages of the Roman ruling class - the Senatorial families - did not come to an end. In fact, the old native Italian Guelph nobility (called "black" because they trace their lineage back to the Roman Senate) were scattered across Europe with the spread of Lombard finance in what is called the "Venetian Diaspora" in the late thirteenth century and became the core of much of the European ruling class. They even crossed the Atlantic, which should not surprise anyone, and became an element within the nascent North American oligarchy. The historian Anthony Sutton reveals in Wall Street and FDR, that Roosevelt's mother's family, the Delanos, were one such family, who traced their lineage back to the sixth century, B.C. Actii; a Roman Senatorial family. Take a walk around Washington D.C. today. The federal architecture and even the national eagle are vintage Rome. Visit the "temple" built in 1922 to the memory of Lincoln - the Lincoln Memorial - or visit the Pennsylvania Station in Newark, New Jersey, Or the Federal Building, in Pittsburg, PA. There you will see, emblazoned on the walls, carved from marble and granite in bas relief, the fasces, the Latin symbol for "law and order," the very Same symbol that Mussolini revived in 1922 to be the emblem for his new Imperium. The same symbol was even on our money - on the back of the "Winged Mercury" dimes until 1945, even while we were allegedly fighting Fascism. Indeed, as Toynbee wrote, Rome is still very much with us. Toynbee was in a position to know. Heir to a tradition of British scholarship going back to Edward Gibbons that sought, through the study of the history of empires, to learn the lessons that could be applied to prolong the British empire, Toynbee was also a member of an elitist British ruling class circle called the Round Table, R.I.I.A, the Royal Institute of International Affairs, founded by the proteges of Cecil Rhodes, the nine- teenth century imperialist and racist who founded Rhodesia and planned and executed the Boer War whereby Britain took the rest of South Africa from the Dutch colonials at the turn of the 20th Century.
It should be remembered that when Britain seized the Rand, and the Orange Free State in South Africa, the financial elite of London took possession of the most accessible, and indeed the largest, diamond and gold mines in the world outside of those that lie beneath the permafrost of the Ural Mountains in Russia. Cecil Rhodes, who was never one to balk at self-aggrandizement, reserved a good share of the plunder from this conquest for himself. Dying childless (he was a misogynist), he left his entire fortune of billions of in a self-perpetuating trust devoted to the perpetuation of the British Empire. A marvelous book, entitled The Anglo-American Establishment, by Clinton's mentor, Carroll Quigley, late professor of history and sociology at Georgetown University, details the permutations and activities of the Rhodes Trust, the Round Tables, from 1900 through 1945. Quigley delves in detail into the connections between the Council on Foreign Relations the C.F.R., and the Royal Institute for International Affairs (R.I.I.A.), the parent Round Table group at Chatham House in London. He shows that the League of Nations was purely a project of these elite British circles. On this point, I may add, Lenin concurred, calling the League - the forerunner of the UN, a "British Imperialist's den of thieves." To understand how the plutocrat thinks, you have to read Machiavelli. Many people talk about that Machiavelli, but how many actually read him ? Machiavelli's magnum opus, The Prince, has served as a textbook on statecraft from the time it was written, until the present. By the middle of the nine -teenth century, the statesmen and their counselors had learned a new set of tricks. By applying certain principles gleaned from the German philosopher Hegel to their standard Machiavellian modus operandi, they learned how to change and direct the course of history itself. Awkwardly at first and with great startled sputters, leaps, and halts - more smoothly later as the techniques were refined, the power elites have been playing with history ever since. One of the first to operate on this new level was the British Foreign Secretary Lord Palmerston, Henry Temple (1784-1865), who maintained close contacts with the revolutionary and arch-conspirator Giuseppe Mazzini, and with Karl Marx through Frederic Engels and David Urquhart at the British Museum, in London, where Marx wrote Das Kapital. Although this may seem fantastic at first, the subsequent development of Marx's doctrines into the system known as Communism, has served as an essential component in the development of long term Thesetical (Hegelian) equations, which have influenced the course of all subsequent history. It is important to comprehend the principles at work. Historically, it was standard operating procedure in the Machiavellian bag of tricks to bankroll, or form clandestine alliances with both sides in a conflict. This the Venetian bankers and Doges had learned long ago, to play one empire or kingdom against another, to plunder one from time to time, and always, to collect interest from both victor and vanquished on the money loaned. The engrafted corollary was the application of Hegel's theory of the dialectic to pragmatic, or Realpolitic. It is the process described as Thesis versus Antithesis = Synthesis. By organizing and financing the opposition, you can create conflict and change. By stepping in as the "disinterested" third party to mediate between the warring factions, you can implement, through the process known as "conflict resolution," the desired synthesis. Through a series of stage-managed conflicts between various parties you can not only eliminate the opposition (and terrify everyone else) but move history itself by stages, in a kind of see-saw movement, towards the desired ends. Another corollary of the operative Thesetical system is the phenomenon of the controlled dialectic, in which the public is presented with a limited set of choices from which issues - or data which might lead to further options, are eliminated. In the case of the [first] Gulf War, for instance, the "choices" presented were between overt Anglo-American aggressive imperialism in the form of "Operation Desert Storm" versus covert Anglo-American imperialism disguised as the UN "sanctions" against Iraq. Unless you are aware that the term "United Nations" itself was absolutely synonymous with the term "the Allies," i.e., the British Commonwealth and the U.S., all throughout World War II, from December 1941 on, until the victorious "United Nations" met after the war in September of 1945 in San Francisco to draft the charter of the formal "UN," you might think there was a choice. It is a controlled dialectic. On this point, the two-volume biography of J.P. Morgan lieutenant Elihu Root, by Philip Jessup, is instructive. "International Law," from its genesis, was the creation of the European Plutocracy, as was the World Court and the Conferences at the Hague, and an earlier generation of American radicals and progressives, Robert LaFol1ette, Sr., among them, recognized and exposed it as such. The U.N. itself was organized as a grandiloquent edifice, and largely as window-dressing, to house the core institutions of the World Bank and the Internationa1 Monetary Fund, two permutations of the power base of the Bank of England people and the Federal Reserve and U.S. Treasury crowd, who got together at a spa in Bretton Woods, New Hampshire during the summer of 1944, to plan the postwar developments. They were merely furthering the dialectic. Once again, the Empire was molting, undergoing a transformation, displaying its marvelous capacity for adaptation and subterfuge. Carroll Quigley's Tragedy and Hope, and The Anglo-American Establishment, amply document how these same Anglo-American Round Table circles - the R.I.I.A. in London and the C.F.R. in New York - had appeased and even encouraged Hitler to direct his military might eastward until well after the betrayal of Czechoslovakia at Munich. Charles Higham's Trading With The Enemy, and Anthony Sutton's Wall Street and the Rise of Hitler, amply document how the financial wing of these same circles collaborated with the Von Schroeder Bank of Germany to finance Hitler. The conflict and change brought about by financing both sides in the Second World War was considered a necessary stage in the thesetical process towards implementing the establishment of the "New World Order" or "Novus Ordo Seclorum," the "New Order of the Ages," as the quaint Latin Phrase has it, inscribed around the pyramid on the back of the dollar bill. The [first] Gulf War was considered a further dialectical necessity. It was doubly significant because of the manner in which the phrase "New World Order" was brought out of the closet and trumpeted about. It is a phrase that has been germinating for some time. Hitler used it, and wrote a book (his second) entitled My New Order in Europe. Mussolini also described his reign as the beginning of a New Order, and minted coins and carved in marble all over the Capitoline Hill and up and down the Via Fori Dei Imperiali a new system of dating, using the year 1922 as the year One of the "New Order." The same system of dating was even employed by Italians abroad - in the 1937 dedication of the Catholic chapel built on the site of the Sermon on the Mount, by the Sea of Galilee. Anthony Sampson, in The Money Lenders, recounts how during the war, when John Maynard Keynes was asked by his cohorts to listen to radio broadcasts of Hitler's speeches about his "New Order" for ideas about how to counter with more effective propaganda, he replied that what Hitler was saying was pretty much okay if, in every reference to "New Order" you substitute "Britain and her Allies" for "Germany." Keynes himself was present among the drafters of the economic reparations clauses of the Versailles Treaty of 1919, which played such a significant role in fomenting the discontent that enabled Hitler to come to power. In 1920, distancing himself from what he had been a party to, he published a book, The Economic Consequences of the Peace, in which he accurately predicted that the Treaty would cause trouble. This book served to "sheep dip" him, and helped launch his career as a "leftist" economist. At Bretton Woods, in 1944, Keynes was one of the chief architects of the International Monetary Fund, which he fraudulently boosted, subsequently, as a "Socialist" institution. Back issues from the '4Os, '50s and '60s of Foreign Affairs - the quarterly of the Council on Foreign Relations, another permutation of the Rhodes Trust - are instructive on this point also, for the term "New World Order" appears abundantly, as does the phrase "New Age," with which it is essentially synonymous and interchangeable. So if you think that the New Age is an alternative or is essentially different from the dinosaur imperialism of the New World Order as promoted by Trilateralist and CFR stalwart George Bush, think again. I suggest that we are dealing with another "controlled dialectic" and that they have already thought this one through. You may be rudely awakened one day to find that what you were dreaming of as the "New Age" was not the same thing they had in mind - nothing very new at all.
- Mark Walter Evans, - Sonoma Free Press, 1991 -
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